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                  <text>Soil, Seeds &amp; Public Space: A Hundred Years of New York City Community Gardens</text>
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                  <text>Angela Garra Zhinin and Shira Feldman</text>
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                  <text>20th &amp; 21st Centuries</text>
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                  <text>2016.12.19</text>
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                  <text>Both the literal and physical “place” of community gardens in New York City have a long and varied history.  This archive is a collection of items that complement the digital exhibit, “Soil, Seeds &amp; Public Space: A Hundred Years of New York City Community Gardens” and seeks to explore four distinct areas of the city’s community garden history.  These topics include the Progressive era’s School Garden Movement, World War II era Victory Gardens, community garden activism in the 1970s, and community gardens under the Rudy Guiliani and Mike Bloomberg administrations.  </text>
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              <text>Loggins, Donald. Liz Christy Community Garden. 1973. New York City.</text>
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                <text>Building Liz Christy Garden, Bowery and Houston Streets, 1973</text>
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                <text>Photos from fellow activist Donald Loggins show New York City's first community garden being planted in 1973, on the corner of Bowery and Houston</text>
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                <text>Liz Christy Community Garden</text>
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                  <text>Throughout the Civil War, President Lincoln and his administration were vexed by the issue of cotton. An essential raw material for industrial enterprise, cotton (and its sudden scarcity) threatened the Union war effort. The letters, newspaper articles, and government records in this collection reveal an administration grappling with the simultaneous need to starve the Confederacy of resources and increase the available supply of cotton. The ultimate solution, a "cotton permit" system, was vulnerable to cronyism and abuse, leading Congress to declare that "it is believed to have led to the prolongation of the war, and to have cost the country thousands of lives and millions upon million in treasure."</text>
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              <text>"Memphis Under the Stars and Stripes," &lt;em&gt;Harper's Weekly.&lt;/em&gt; July 05, 1862. HarpWeek. Accessed December 12, 2016.</text>
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                <text>In this account of the occupation of Memphis by Federal troops, the correspondent emphasized the loyalty of the locals and their eagerness to trade. He described stores of cotton and sugar hidden from the Confederates brought out to be sold in Union markets.</text>
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                  <text>Throughout the Civil War, President Lincoln and his administration were vexed by the issue of cotton. An essential raw material for industrial enterprise, cotton (and its sudden scarcity) threatened the Union war effort. The letters, newspaper articles, and government records in this collection reveal an administration grappling with the simultaneous need to starve the Confederacy of resources and increase the available supply of cotton. The ultimate solution, a "cotton permit" system, was vulnerable to cronyism and abuse, leading Congress to declare that "it is believed to have led to the prolongation of the war, and to have cost the country thousands of lives and millions upon million in treasure."</text>
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              <text>The levee at Memphis, Tenn.-Hauling sugar and cotton from their hiding-places for shipment north / sketched by Mr. Alex Simplot. 1862. Image. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/item/95504268/. (Accessed December 12, 2016.)</text>
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                <text>The levee at Memphis, Tenn.</text>
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                  <text>Creating the Capital of Capital: New York City's Forgotten Dutch Beginnings</text>
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                  <text>As the “capital of capital,” New York City’s identity is strongly tied to its position as a center for world trade. This collection and corresponding online exhibition demonstrates the relevance of the city’s little understood and often overlooked predecessor, New Netherland, by exploring the direct and lasting impact of this striving Dutch settlement on the development of New York City as a global economic powerhouse.</text>
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                  <text>Tracy McFarlan and Kaitlyn Tanis </text>
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                  <text>Fall 2016 </text>
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                  <text>CC BY - You can distribute, remix, tweak, and build upon this collection, even commercially, as long as you give appropriate credit. For more information, click &lt;a title="here" href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/"&gt;here&lt;/a&gt;.</text>
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                  <text>New Netherland (1609 -1664)</text>
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              <text>Head Quarters, Army of the Tenn,&#13;
&#13;
Before Vicksburg Feby 19th 1863.&#13;
&#13;
Dear Sir&#13;
&#13;
When I left you in November I intended, according to my promise to have written you much sooner in reference to the Cotton question; but constant engagements have prevented. I came from Memphis in charge of the transports of this fleet, and have been with the army ever since; and had a good opportunity for observation and testing the correctness of the opinions I expressed to you. The result of my observations and conversations with those best able to judge correctly fully confirms me in the correctness of the ground assumed and presented by you to the Cabinet when I last saw you, and it is a matter of surprise to all our nonspeculating Officers here that nothing has been done by the Government to correct these great and palpably existing evils and to take the direct control of so important a subject. The objects of such interference being:&#13;
&#13;
1st To prevent the demoralization of the Army, the wrongs constantly committed by unprincipled cotton speculators, and the introduction of Contraband of war;&#13;
&#13;
2nd To obtain Cotton for commerce;&#13;
&#13;
3rd As the rebellion has advanced the price of cotton, to secure such advance to the Government to go towards defraying the expenses of the war.&#13;
&#13;
There are other minor objects, but these are the leading ones.-- The means proposed are:&#13;
&#13;
1st Declare that all the Cotton between the Gulf and the Ohio River belongs either to the Government or the producer, and that no one can move the Cotton from those limits except the Government;&#13;
&#13;
2nd Fix upon a price to be paid for Cotton at certain points -- say for example at Memphis fifteen (15) cents -- and a like sum at other adjacent places, less the cost of transportation to Memphis, and pay that in Government funds to all who will voluntarily sell;&#13;
&#13;
3rd Declare that unless Cotton is voluntarily brought out for sale it will be seized and not paid for;&#13;
&#13;
4th Ship all Cotton to certain points -- say that from the Tennessee, Cumberland, and Mississippi above Vicksburgh (till the river is open to New Orleans) to Cairo and then sell it at public vendue on a certain day in each week, giving everybody an opportunity to purchase&#13;
&#13;
5th Keep an accurate accounts of all purchases and remit same with nett proceeds weekly to the Treasury Department.&#13;
&#13;
That something should promptly be done on this subject by the Government, I do not think admits of a doubt in the minds of those here best advised, and most capable of judging correctly and honestly. As to the details of the mode of doing it there might be a variety of opinions, but all agree on the main point viz: that Government must assume the ownership or control of all Cotton not in the hands of the producer, and that no other parties must be allowed to transport the article beyond the prescribed limits. That of itself puts an end to most of the existing evils. There is then no longer any temptation to the Officers of the Army to swerve from their duty to obtain unjust gain. The temptations to the unprincipled speculator to introduce contraband of war is then also almost equally removed, as he ceases to get his pay in cotton at such temptingly low rates. The idea that free trade should always go wherever the flag goes is as I think an error. When the authority of the Government and laws is fully restored this will do, but not till then; and I think all well advised persons will tell you that an endless amount of rascality is the result of opening trade to Memphis and Helena, with no corresponding good. The fact is the people at and below Memphis are generally unmitigated rebels, and all the efforts to moderate their madness by the allurements of trade have been entirely unsuccessful. Experience shows that the inconvenience and sufferings from lack of trade have a much better tendency. The only way is to crush the rebellion by the force of our arms and till that is done it is useless to try and coax the people into loyalty with the prospects of an abundance of Coffee and Salt.&#13;
&#13;
How much Cotton will be brought out under this plan might be a question, but if the amount is not large the wrong prevented will be an ample compensation for the effort. If some such plan is not adopted I should say; then open the trade entirely and let any and everybody come in and purchase cotton, and not confine the business to the few fortunate enough to get permits subject to the charge of favoritism and to be a source of annoyance to our commanding Generals.&#13;
&#13;
I know I but express the earnest wish of our leading Officers when I say that something decisive should be promptly done, and that all the temporary plans have been so far worse than failures. I venture the opinion that you could not more gratify such Officers as Generals Grant, Sherman, McClernand, Steel, Morgan &amp;c., &amp;c., than to shut out all cotton sharpers who are a source of ceaseless trouble and interruption to their pressing official duties. The Treasury or War Departments can certainly find some proper man to put in charge and try the plan; and surely the business could not be worse managed than at present. A little experience would no doubt suggest improvements As I told you in W. I do not wish nor would I willingly consent in anyway to be connected with it. On the contrary, I desire and hope soon to be transfered to the Army in the field and get out of the Quarter-Masters Department and all like service.&#13;
&#13;
Very Respectfully&#13;
&#13;
Lewis B. Parsons&#13;
&#13;
[ Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]&#13;
&#13;
Lewis B. Parsons on the Cotten question.</text>
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              <text>New Orleans, 18. December 1863.&#13;
&#13;
Sir:&#13;
&#13;
I concur in the opinion so generally entertained, that it is for the interest of the country to deplete the Rebel territory of that species of property, which is made the basis of credit for the Rebel govememt with foreign nations-- But great care is neccessary to avoid an injury to ourselves in the operation-- Unless the ultimate and final disposition of the proceeds of this property be ascertained we may find that the munitions of war furnshed to the Rebels -- and the pirates -- that prey upon our commerce -- may be paid for, and supported by Rebel products passing throgh our hands to the markets of the world. No commercial advantages -- can counterbalance so great a wrong as this-- In april I recconded that the cotton in western &amp; northern Louisiana, be allowed to find a market, one half, or 50. per centum of the proceeds of sales, being retained by the Governemt: but the Secretary of War, thought it then inexpedient, to adopt this policy. The agents selected for the execution of the plan proposed -- should be designated by the General governemt-- These two points guarded, -- protection from public injury by the mis-appropiation of the proceeds, of the sale of this property &amp; the selection of proper agents if it cannot be made a general trade.-- I see no objection to the proposal made by the Treasury Agents of the Department&#13;
&#13;
I have the honor to be&#13;
&#13;
With high respect&#13;
&#13;
Your Obendt Servt&#13;
&#13;
N. P. Banks&#13;
&#13;
M. G. C</text>
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              <text>Keokuk Iowa July 1st 1863&#13;
&#13;
Dear Captain&#13;
&#13;
Yours of the 28th Ulto is duly received and I am glad you privately Advised one of the Commission of the infernal conspiracy that has been for over ten months employed in efforts to ruin me. First the Employment of men like Baker to hunt up material. Then calling a Court to give consequence to whatever Baker and others had or could find against me. Placing me in a quasi trial without the right to know my accusers my accusations or any thing only such as my Enemies smuggled out to publish exparte against me.&#13;
&#13;
I could not go before the public because this would seem like a criminal declaiming of his innocence to a jury before the jury had the evidence. I could not bring up evidence to refute because no charges were made. I asked for a Court of Enquiry into my affairs but that was not granted.-- Thus for over ten months I have been pursued by Secret foes who have done all in their power to collect slander and hold it in readiness to blast my reputation not to try me or allow me to throw off the burden.-- If I had plead guilty to every lie they propegated I would perhaps have fared better for they had to invent crimes to make me culpable.&#13;
&#13;
But you say the Court has adjourned. They have been in session three months and a half at least.-- I am glad to hear that the only lawyer on the Court says there is no Evidence against me. I have seen nothing myself that could properly be called Evidence Except it may be when Genl Hovey swore that he heard me say I had bought Whites cotten which had already been explained by myself and Winslow and may have been by others, that I confiscated the White property as Contraband and that I turned it over to my Quartermaster and that I could not have seen or known as to who did buy the Cotton.&#13;
&#13;
Hovey either lied or he was mistaken as to what I did say and the proof is before the Commission. From the first there has been a fuss about the White Cotton about which I know nothing only that I arrested a dabling officer Murdock who interfered with the Negro Sam who I had told to take care of everything.&#13;
&#13;
When I went to Arkansas I had just as much right to buy Cotton as any body. I was urged at Batesville to do so and also at Helena but I did not because I did not wish to be bothered.-- When the excitement began to make Cotton trade a general matter of demoralization to my army, I made the effort to restrain the mischeif and drew down upon myself the suspicion that I was interested in the restraint and all who were precluded from the lines became implacable foes. Malice, envy, and ambition have Carried the matter forward.--&#13;
&#13;
But these knaves cannot claims my removal as their victory. The Pro Slavery anti Provost Marshall Anti Collection of forfeited bonds anti guarding the treasury against R road bond Stock jobbl jobbers and Anti war Copperheads ought to have the Entire credit of my removal. The Presidents letters prove this.5 Their Publication was against my instructions, but I cannot suppose the President can object or will care for: They could not have been sent solely for my own eye. They vindicate him against the imputation of removing me for offences the proof of which could not then have come before him as the Commission of Enquiry had then no competent proof and had not reported.--&#13;
&#13;
True the reason he did give may not be satisfactory to all my friends yet I think most persons will perceive that he acted with good motives on false representations made by men he had reason to credit.-- The Public will make these men accountable and Henderson and Broadhead seem to feel the blows which are inflicted. They justly deserve it. I do not know Henderson. He must testify solely from hear say and he is placed in a bad position because he makes himself a volunteer witness against me now not for the good of the Service but to excuse himself for his own part taken in the matter.-- He hopes to save himself by sinking me.&#13;
&#13;
As to Broadhead he speaks of duplicity-- He is one of the Self constituted Committee that came and told me they were going to keep the Administration posted so as to prevent needless interference at Washington with my administration and asked me for a letter to the President. Supposing they were sincere I wrote endorsing them in the strongest terms. I often wondered that I seldom or never saw any of them to confer with as I supposed I would in regard to measures. Broadhead did once on his return from Washington bring me an order of General Granger published in Kentucky on the Negro question which he Broadhead desired me to introduce into my administration, but which I very respectfully declined.&#13;
&#13;
He was in a hurry at the time and I could not fully explain my reasons. It seems instead of representing me he took up false statements as evidence of my duplicity and thereupon instead of sustaining or enquiring he urged my removal! What do you think he means by duplicity if he did not dupe me &amp; all others who regarded him as true and honourable.-- I see by the shift he has secured the place of Col Dick having no doubt the affections of Govr Gamble and his jugler at Washington the Atty Genl.&#13;
&#13;
I hope the day will come when Missouri will be relieved from such representation--&#13;
&#13;
My wife joins in kind regards to all our friends especially your good wife and children. If you go East make it your special business to inform the President of my innocence in the publication of his letters and assure him it was against my injunctions &amp; wishes.-- That I saught only to show copies to friend but they thought it necessary to vindicate the President and myself against falsehood &amp; convict the real actors in their duplicity.--&#13;
&#13;
I remain Captain Very truly Your friend&#13;
&#13;
S. R. Curtis&#13;
&#13;
Maj Genl</text>
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              <text>Curtis, Samuel R. &lt;em&gt;Samuel R. Curtis to Richard McAllister, Wednesday, July 01, 1863 (Defends his conduct in purchasing cotton).&lt;/em&gt; Letter. Library of Congress. http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage. Accessed December 11, 2016.</text>
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                <text>Major General Samuel Curtis flatly denied any speculation, profiteering, or abuse of power in his letter to Commissary of Subsistence Richard McAllister. Curtis attributes the charges to "an infernal conspiracy" and is adamant that he never sold any cotton, only confiscated and turned over contraband to his Quartermaster. </text>
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              <text>James Henry Hammond, &lt;em&gt;Speech on the Admission of Kansas, Under the Lecompton Constitution, delivered in the Senate of the United States, March 4, 1858.&lt;/em&gt; Book. Selections from the letters and speeches of the Hon. James H. Hammond, New York, J. F. Trow &amp;amp; Co., printers, 1866. https://archive.org/details/ASPC0005213600 (Accessed from Internet Archive November 2016).</text>
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              <text>Excerpt: What would happen if no cotton was furnished for three years? I will not stop to depict what every one can imagine, but this is certain: England would topple headlong and carry the whole civilized world with her, save the south. No, thou dare not make war on cotton. No power on earth dares to make war upon it. Cotton is king. &#13;
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